Mao's First Five Year Plan
The First Five-Year Plan (1953-57) was an economic policy adopted by the Chinese Communist Political party (CCP) afterwards it seized command of China. The program set aggressive targets for infrastructure and production, particularly in heavy industries.
An undeveloped economy
When the Chinese Communist Political party (CCP) took control of Communist china in 1949, the national economic system was underdeveloped and lacking in heavy manufacture, mining, steel production, manufacturing and infrastructure.
In addition to these shortcomings, China's 1953 census revealed an increasing birth rate and a population approaching 600 1000000. This population growth merely emphasised the need for increased product and economical growth.
Following the Korean State of war, Mao Zedong and the CCP decided to prioritise economic development.
The Soviet model
Cartoon on his experiences during a 1949 trip to Moscow, Mao embraced the Soviet 'five-year program' model for economic development. Mao had previously concentrated his energy on the peasants – but his end program became the transformation of Prc into a modern industrial power.
Historian Michael Lynch believes that Mao'southward economic goals were used to sideline potential political rivals: "Mao exploited the atmosphere, in which anything brusque of total acceptance of the plan was deemed counter-revolutionary".
In 1953, the People'due south Daily echoed the Chairman, telling its readers that "only with industrialisation of the land may we guarantee our economic independence and not-reliance on imperialism".
Elements of the plan
Mainland china'south First 5-Year Plan was an economical program that ran from 1953 to 1957. It ready ambitious goals for industries and areas of product accounted priorities by the CCP.
The Five-Year Program was supported by Soviet Russian federation, which contributed advice, logistics and material support. Moscow provided a pocket-size loan of $300 million and, more importantly, the services of several yard Soviet engineers, scientists, technicians and planners.
On paper, the achievements of this Five-Year Programme were impressive. Industrial output more than doubled, with an annual growth rate of sixteen per cent. Steel production grew from 1.three million tonnes in 1952 to 5.2 million tonnes in 1957; sixteen.56 one thousand thousand tonnes were produced in 1953-57, double Mainland china'south combined steel production between 1900 and 1948.
Overall, the largest increases in output were in steel, coal and petrochemicals, with coal production increasing 98 per cent between 1952 and 1957.
Pros and cons
While the First Five Twelvemonth Programme achieved its targets of increasing heavy industry and stimulating the economy, these advances worsened the imbalance between rural and urban populations, with serious implications for the new social club.
Like the economic reforms in Soviet Russia, Cathay'southward accent on industrial growth came at the expense of agronomics. Grain output struggled to go on pace with population growth, jeopardising food supplies.
A good deal of China's economical growth in the mid-1950s centred on urban, industrial and infrastructure projects.
These works enhanced the quality of life for urban populations, whose numbers increased from 57 one thousand thousand to 100 million betwixt 1949 and 1957. Life expectancy rose from 36 to 57 years, metropolis housing standards improved and urban incomes increased by 40 per cent.
Workplaces were organised on socialist principles: urban and industrial workers subsidised housing, medical care and educational facilities.
Mao saw the political benefits of such improvements, saying in 1957 that "If China becomes prosperous, just like the standard of living in the Western world and then [people] will non want revolution".
Yet despite these improvements, the state continued to expand its influence over citizens. Life for urban Chinese was tightly regimented by way ofdanwei or work units. The danwei provided the bones structure for labour and controlled many aspects of everyday life, including adaptation, instruction and social services.
People even had to consult theirdanwei in matters regarding to marriage, having children or travel.
State control increased
These economic reforms too increased centralised state command, to the extent that private ownership became virtually impossible. By 1956, approximately two-thirds of industrial enterprises were state-owned, while the remainder were jointly endemic.
Rigid fundamental planning and national demands oft resulted in local needs beingness neglected, peculiarly in the countryside. While 84 per cent of the population lived in rural areas, 88 per cent of government investment was pumped into heavy industry in towns and cities.
The land monopoly on grain and the impact of collectivisation too acquired disruption and dissatisfaction in rural areas in the mid-1950s. Many questioned whether the struggling countryside could feed the rapidly expanding cities.
As the state diverted grain supply, grain reserves cruel, causing food shortages and hunger in some places. New farming techniques and technologies, used with success elsewhere in Asia, were largely ignored.
Farming collectivised
The process of agricultural collectivisation began to gather pace in 1955 and 1956. High production targets were introduced, food distribution disrupted and the government took ownership of all state and equipment previously redistributed.
Hostility to the process even led to physical attacks on officials. Meanwhile, tens of millions left the countryside for the relative rubber of the cities, placing farther strain on collectives to feed jutting urban populations.
By the end of the Start 5 Yr Programme nigh 93.five per cent of farm households had been collectivised – an event, according to Mao Zedong, that would solve the issues of the rural world.
While government rhetoric and propaganda heralded the Start V Yr Plan as a success, the burdens felt in the countryside quickly approached breaking bespeak. Mao'southward ambitious plans for further industrial growth would shortly requite rise to the looming disaster known as the Great Spring Forwards.
A historian'due south view:
"The First 5 Year Plan produced results that were impressive enough to sustain the Chinese leaders' dreams… Of class, agronomics could not grow at annihilation similar this stride. Though farm production and rural economical conditions were not in deep crisis, their level of performance was a thin reed upon which to balance grandiose plans for rapid industrialisation."
Marc Blecher
i. The Outset 5 Year Plan ran from 1953 to 1957. It was based on a Soviet model for economic and industrial expansion and marked a shift in focus abroad from the peasants toward urban industrial projects.
2. The greatest increases were in steel and coal, with steel product beating expected targets. Steel production grew from 1.3 million tones in 1952 to 5.ii meg tonnes in 1957.
3. The First Five Year Program significantly shaped life in industrial urban centres. Quality of life improved, indicated by meaning increases in life expectancy, housing and income – however, everyday life was also strictly controlled through the danwei, or work unit.
4. State ownership dramatically expanded during this period and then that most enterprises, food distribution and land all came under centralised regime command. This had adverse effects on rural areas, with grain product not keeping pace with industrial and population growth.
5. The first cracks appeared towards the end of the First 5 Year Plan, as the increasing need to feed an expanding urban population intensified criticism and opposition to rural collectivisation.
Citation information
Championship: "The Offset Five-Year Plan"
Authors: Rebecca Cairns, Jennifer Llewellyn
Publisher: Alpha History
URL: https://alphahistory.com/chineserevolution/outset-five-year-plan/
Date published: September 24, 2019
Date accessed: October 23, 2022
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Mao's First Five Year Plan,
Source: https://alphahistory.com/chineserevolution/first-five-year-plan/
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